Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 220

For Japanese people, joining a group is actually quite difficult. It's usually based on blood ties, senior-junior relationships at school, or superior-subordinate relationships at work. Aside from these three connections, it's hard for a person to connect with another stranger. This means that the range of groups you can join is actually quite limited. This is why, despite their illustrious history in the overthrow of the shogunate, the Choshu and Satsuma factions failed to attract enough new blood to sustain their development, as the leaders of these two factions had a very narrow pool of potential successors.

In fact, Japan's social structure did not undergo major changes in the decades following the Meiji Restoration. The only difference was that new nobles replaced the old powerful families, and the cabinet system replaced the shogunate system at the top. At the grassroots level in rural areas, the village, as the basic social unit, remained almost unchanged. After all, the anti-shogunate coalition, which relied on the strength of the common people during the anti-shogunate period, betrayed the peasants when the Meiji government was established. It refused to fulfill its promise to the peasants and distribute the land to them, instead acknowledging the fact that the original village leaders and merchants owned the land.

The Meiji Restoration government did this for two reasons: firstly, to eliminate the supporters of the shogunate as quickly as possible; and secondly, to gain the support of these landowners. After all, distributing land to peasants did not immediately establish an effective tax system. Only by relying on the mature tax system of the shogunate era could the Meiji Restoration government quickly collect taxes and maintain its survival.

Under the old rural system, each village was essentially a closed society based on personal relationships. Villagers had to help each other to survive under high taxes and famine. Therefore, while the local officials in each village had the power to collect taxes from villagers and maintain order on behalf of the government, they were also responsible for providing loans or relief to villagers who could not survive.

Therefore, villages are just as important as families to Japanese villagers. Once they lose the protection of their village, the whole family will inevitably lose hope of survival. As a result, Japanese people are instilled with a sense of community from a young age, which is similar to the clan system in China. However, because the Japanese village consciousness is not based on blood ties, it has a stronger sense of belonging to the community.

Therefore, officers who joined the reform groups would never voluntarily withdraw. Even being dismissed would be unacceptable to them because it would damage their reputation and make them difficult to be accepted by others. In a society like Japan where personal relationships matter, losing the approval of others is tantamount to death.

Those who can disregard such rules either have a distinguished family background and don't need to care about personal relationships, or they have a group of staunch followers. When they leave the group, it's not in their personal capacity that they leave, but rather the entire group withdraws.

For example, Hideaki Tojo, despite his considerable prestige within the Army as the top student of the first class of the Army War College, had his social connections virtually severed after being expelled from the Army by the Choshu faction. This was a major reason why Tojo harbored such deep hatred for the Choshu faction. If the Navy hadn't reinstated Tojo to active duty, he would have had virtually no other formal social activities besides staying at home and socializing with friends.

Therefore, after the reform, the reform group, which was originally just a club-style gathering of reformers, quickly transformed into an organization with a hierarchical structure. Due to the addition of Lin Xinyi, this organization did not become a replica of the military organization where senior officers and veterans occupied the core, but instead became a model in which theorists and those with prestige in the military occupied the core.

Frankly, this model is somewhat retro. After all, during the anti-shogunate era, anti-shogunate patriots abandoned the distinctions of lineage and rank among samurai, regrouping their samurai organizations around the common goal of overthrowing the shogunate. However, after the Satsuma Rebellion, in order to further strengthen control over the military, Yamagata Aritomo proposed a series of decrees to rectify military discipline. This restored the strict hierarchical differences between superiors and subordinates from the shogunate era, making it impossible for high-ranking military officers to show respect to lower-ranking officers in any situation.

Therefore, without Lin Xinyi's involvement, the reformist reorganization would naturally have been based on seniority and military rank to establish a core. However, as the proposer of the reform theory, Lin Xinyi, along with the support of a group of young officers, forced others to abandon the idea of ​​forming a reform group based on military rank. Instead, an organizational model centered on the three naval staff officers was formed, while other senior officers could only occupy the core area.

Of course, the stability of this new organizational model also stemmed from Lin Xinyi's early establishment of prestige, which propelled the development of the Asian United cause. While others also advocated for naval reform, their focus was solely on the navy's internal workings; they never considered the potential influence they could exert outside the navy.

However, through a series of strategies, Hayashi Shin-yi successfully extended the influence of the reformist groups within the navy to outside the navy. At least for mid- to high-ranking officers like Akiyama Saneyuki, Sato Tetsutaro, Arima Ryotachi, and Yamaji Kazuyoshi, their biggest idea was simply to exert influence on the Minister of the Navy and the Chief of the Navy to put some of the reformist groups' theories into practice.

However, Lin Xinyi managed to leverage the trilateral cooperation between Japan, China, and India, thereby successfully stabilizing the Yamamoto cabinet's rule and making Sino-Japanese reconciliation a possible option. If the subsequent naval military exercises targeting Germany actually force Germany to make concessions, the theoretical establishment of a joint Asian fleet would become a possibility.

Within the reformist faction, Hayashi Shinichi's vision of an Asian Combined Fleet was previously considered unrealistic, as its establishment essentially represented the creation of Japanese maritime hegemony in East Asia. Although the Japanese navy gained control of the Russian navy's territories in East Asia after its victory over the Russian navy, this did not mean that other countries recognized the East Asian seas as under Japanese administration.

Neither the German East Asia Fleet, nor the British Royal Navy or the French East Asia Fleet, would admit that their navigation in East Asia was under Japanese protection. At most, they would acknowledge that the Japanese Navy had equal rights with them in the East Asian waters. However, once the Asian Combined Fleet was established, regardless of whether the powers recognized it or not, Japan would effectively declare its administrative rights over the East Asian waters.

If the major powers did not deny it, then the Japanese-led Asian Combined Fleet would have nominally gained the right to intervene in Asian affairs, which would have been a huge step forward for the navy's southward expansion policy. It is precisely for this reason that people felt it was impossible, because there were too many uncertainties; if any one place went wrong, all previous efforts would be in vain.

Now that Lin Xinyi has settled the part about the three-way cooperation and also managed the domestic politics and public opinion, everyone has suddenly realized that Lin Xinyi's plan has actually solved the initial part and can now move on to the next step, which is how to unite the East Asian Navy to put pressure on the German East Asian Fleet and force the Germans to give up their sphere of influence in Shandong.

If this step can be successfully completed, even if the Asian Joint Fleet is not ultimately established, Japan will at least have driven German naval forces out of Northeast Asia. This means that in the waters north of Shanghai, only the Japanese Navy will remain as a major naval fleet. Japan's security perimeter will have expanded significantly.

However, while everyone was excitedly planning how to carry out this naval exercise against the German East Asian Fleet, Lin Xinyi had already turned his attention to the issue of establishing the Asian Cooperation Organization and began to reorganize the thinking within the reform group on this issue.

Besides the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Advisors, the naval reform groups also included imperialists who admired the British Empire. Their stance was not much different from that of the continental expansionists in the army, except that they advocated that the navy, rather than the army, should lead the Japanese Empire's external expansion.

These imperialists in the navy aimed to make Japan the British Empire of East Asia through naval reform, and then turn China into Japan's India. However, they also acknowledged that Japan did not have the strength to do so. Therefore, they believed that Japan needed to first unite with the forces of other Asian nations to expel the European powers from Asia, and then establish its rule over Asia.

What Lin Xinyi was doing was identifying these imperialists from the reform groups, reforming those who could be reformed ideologically, and marginalizing those who could not. The tool he used to reform the thinking of the members of the reform groups was the discussion of the ideological theories behind the establishment of the Organization for Asian Cooperation.

Before Lin Xinyi raised this question, the reformist groups assumed that the Asian Cooperation Organization would inevitably be a cooperative organization of countries led by Japan. However, this idea was clearly wishful thinking, because those who held this view could not solve the problem of why Asian nations would join forces with Japan to drive out the great powers, simply to allow the Japanese to replace the European colonizers. This was clearly a cooperative concept that Asian nations could not accept.

Although some have pointed out that since Japan helped these nations gain independence, these nations should naturally be grateful to Japan, and if they are ungrateful, the Japanese Navy will punish them to deter those who try to rebel against Japan.

However, Lin Xinyi bluntly refuted this claim, reminding these blindly arrogant officers: "If Japan had the strength to drive out the great powers and occupy Asia on its own, then we would not need to establish an Asian Cooperation Organization. The fundamental reason for establishing the Asian Cooperation Organization is that Japan cannot deal with the world order established by the entire Western world alone, so it needs the help of various Asian nations."

On the issue of confronting Western powers, there is no such thing as Japan helping other nations; it can only be said that everyone was banding together to save themselves. This is because if other Asian nations were wiped out by Western powers, then Japan would lose its value and ability to resist.

Furthermore, during the First Sino-Japanese War, we launched a war against the Qing Dynasty under the pretext of restoring Korean independence, but did the Korean people truly appreciate us? When we expressed our intention to annex Korea, the Koreans preferred to side with Russia rather than compromise with Japan, which is a typical example.

With the example of North Korea, it is clearly unrealistic to believe that by assisting other Asian nations in achieving independence, we can gain the power to rule over them. As for China, even without our help, with its vast population, it will eventually awaken and expel the foreign powers from its land. To think that we can grant China freedom is nothing but blind arrogance.

Therefore, I believe that establishing an Asian cooperation organization based on Japanese self-interest is an impossible fantasy. The greater the power you desire, the greater the responsibility you must bear. Cooperation means Japan will also benefit, so how can it be described as Japan unilaterally bestowing favors upon other nations?

We have two paths before us. For the sake of establishing the Asian Cooperation Organization, we must abandon Japanese centrism and view its future from an Asian perspective; or, for the sake of the inviolable authority of the Japanese Empire, we would rather face the Western powers alone than need the support of other Asian nations…

For these naval officers, Hayashi Nobuyoshi's words were indeed hard to accept, since their purpose in joining the military was to strengthen Japan, not to liberate Asia. However, for those officers who knew about Hayashi Nobuyoshi's experiences in India, they could understand why he was able to turn the tide and successfully establish an autonomous region in the three northeastern states, even when the British Indian government mobilized the entire national army.

However, apart from Yamaya, none of the other members of the General Council were willing to confront Hayashi Nobuyoshi directly. Yamaya's opposition to Hayashi Nobuyoshi was limited to the idea of ​​abandoning Japanese nationalism. Yamaya had a strong sense of protecting the honor of the navy. He believed that the Japanese navy must be on the front line in confronting the Western powers because no other country had the strength to confront the navies of the great powers. Since Japan had taken such a big risk, it should naturally gain more benefits.

However, aside from Arima Ryotachibana who voiced his support, Akiyama, Sato, and Yamaji ultimately chose to support Hayashi Nobuyoshi, even Arima himself in the final vote. This outcome was because everyone clearly understood that the establishment of the Asian Cooperation Organization had become crucial for the reform groups to gain control over naval reform.

If the reformist group successfully spearheads the establishment of the Asian Cooperation Organization (ACAO), they will not only gain significant influence within the Asian Joint Fleet, but also drive internal naval reforms to adapt to the ACAO mechanism. However, if the project fails, the reformist group will have to revert to its previous position. While they will still wield considerable influence within the navy, it will likely be impossible for them to guide the navy's actions.

So who could have accomplished this? Clearly, it was Hayashi Shin-yi, not Yamaya, who advocated Japanese nationalism. Although Yamaya's arguments were sound, they could only convince the Japanese, not other Asian nations. In fact, regarding the issue of cooperation between Japan, China, and India, no one else had any opportunity to intervene; it was entirely Hayashi Shin-yi's doing. If Hayashi Shin-yi had simply walked away, everyone would have been left with nothing but meetings and wrangling, unable to come up with any suitable plan.

Therefore, faced with practical interests, the core members decisively abandoned the idea of ​​Japan being number one. Although Yamaya and the others objected, they ultimately stated that they would abide by the meeting's resolution, meaning they would not insist on their own views and refuse to accept the meeting's decision. Since Yamaya could not uphold his principles, the radical imperialists below him naturally had even less reason to cause any trouble.

At this meeting, Lin Xinyi also repeatedly presented his ideas for the Asian Cooperation Organization (ACO). For example, he advocated dividing the ACCO into three semi-independent systems, similar to the brain, skeleton, and flesh and blood of a human body. The brain refers to the security conference where countries can sit down and discuss, which determines the political and military direction of the ACCO; the skeleton refers to the Asian Joint Fleet, or affiliated armed forces, used for Asian security issues; and the flesh and blood refers to the logistics system of the Asian Joint Fleet and the specific departments under the security conference.

Lin Hsin-yi proposed that the security council be divided into core members and non-core members. Core members would have veto power and military command authority, and could hold closed-door meetings for small-scale discussions on major issues. Non-core members would have the right to speak and vote, but could not oppose the veto power of core members.

This proposition greatly attracted members of the reformist group. At least, Tetsutaro Sato semi-publicly commented: "Lieutenant Colonel Hayashi seems to want to give other nationalities equality, but in reality, he has set up an invalid equal voting system. On important matters, it is actually the core members who have the final say..."

708

Although Sato Tetsutaro maintained the unity of the three staff officers in opposing Japanese nationalism, he was actually unwilling to admit this position. However, the unity of the three staff officers was the key to their overpowering others and becoming the core of the reformist faction. Although Arima, Yamaji, Yamaya and others were stronger than the three staff officers in terms of achievements and seniority, they could not compete with the three staff officers in theory.

Therefore, while the reform group can be relatively democratic when discussing specific matters, once it comes to theories and plans, once the three staff members reach a consensus, the others have to back down. For example, this time, Yamaya tried to debate with Hayashi Shin-yi on the issue of Japanese nationalism, but was quickly suppressed by Hayashi Shin-yi, even though there were quite a few members of the reform group who privately supported Yamaya.

Lin Xinyi was able to so easily suppress Yamaya, a veteran and meritorious figure in the war against Russia, precisely because of the advantage of the unity of the three staff officers. But Sato Tetsutaro actually knew better than anyone that the unity of the three staff officers was actually most advantageous to him.

Because Akiyama was the face of the Japanese Navy to the outside world, and as a disciple of Mahan, the Western powers believed that only Akiyama was qualified to discuss naval theory with them; no other Japanese were qualified, not even Sato, who had studied in Britain, and thus did not receive the respect of the British. Although Hayashi Nobuyoshi was not famous, the high-ranking officers of the navy actually recognized him as the inevitable pillar of the navy's future, because Hayashi Nobuyoshi had almost completely broken down and rebuilt the naval power structure—something that no one except Saigo Tsugumichi could accomplish.

Compared to these two, although Tetsutaro Sato had some supporters within the fleet, he didn't actually reach a position where he could influence the thinking of the naval leadership. However, thanks to the principle of consensus among the three staff officers, at least Tetsutaro Sato could now transform some of his ideas into naval reform measures through the reform group.

Therefore, while the unanimous agreement of the three staff officers strengthened Hayashi Nobuyoshi's core position within the reform group, it actually enhanced Sato Tetsutaro's decision-making power over the reform group. Consequently, although Sato Tetsutaro did not believe that opposing Japanese nationalism was correct, he had to support Hayashi Nobuyoshi's statement to demonstrate the ideological unity of the three staff officers.

In reality, if the three staff officers were to clash, Sato Tetsutaro knew he would inevitably be in the minority. This was because Akiyama Saneyuki's admiration for his outstanding junior, Hayashi Nobuyoshi, wasn't blind; rather, the two were quite compatible in their thinking and politics. Strictly speaking, Akiyama Saneyuki didn't resemble a typical Japanese soldier, as he lacked the typical enthusiasm for war. He approached war with a research mindset rather than a warrior's, which others perceived as weakness.

As Sato Tetsutaro spent more time with Akiyama, he sensed Akiyama's envy of the atmosphere of academic research in the United States. There were few taboos in academic research in the United States. Although the United States is a politically correct society with laws against racial segregation, almost no one would use this political correctness to oppose academic research by people of color. The upper class in the United States actually seemed more open and wise than the laws of the United States.

However, while the atmosphere in Japan seems much freer than in the United States, the social rules in Japan are consistent from top to bottom. In other words, the upper class in Japan is no different from ordinary people when it comes to political correctness. They do not seem to have any independent thoughts and completely hide themselves behind the mask of correctness.

Therefore, as a person of Asian descent who faced discrimination in the United States, Akiyama was accepted as a disciple by Mahan and allowed to express his views to Americans. However, as a Japanese man serving in the Japanese Navy, Akiyama had to consider political factors and conceal his opposition to the war.

Yes, the biggest difference between Akiyama Saneyuki and other Japanese military personnel lies in Akiyama's view that war is a means of defending the country and should not be provoked indiscriminately. This is actually a manifestation of Mahan's theory of sea power. Mahan published his theory of sea power not to challenge the Royal Navy of the British Empire, but to try to force the Royal Navy to lose its dominance of the seas through the struggle for maritime power. Wilhelm II built the High Seas Fleet, but then refused to use it to fight the Royal Navy, which already illustrates this point.

For other Japanese soldiers, war was the only way to strengthen Japan, so their mission was to wage war and win. Therefore, Akiyama's ideas were not popular with naval officers. However, his gentle personality won the support of the lower-ranking officers and soldiers. Compared to other strict naval officers, Akiyama was practically a gentleman to the soldiers and petty officers on the warships.

Lin Xinyi's views on war are similar to those of Akiyama Saneyuki. He also opposes the indiscriminate instigation of war and attempts to use war as the sole means of resolving international conflicts. However, Lin Xinyi differs from Akiyama in that he is not averse to using war to achieve political goals. Simply put, Lin Xinyi is a more radical version of Akiyama.

Akiyama generally doesn't argue with those who disagree with him, but Hayashi Nobuyoshi is someone who fiercely defends his own views. Therefore, among the three advisors, Hayashi Nobuyoshi and Akiyama Saneyuki are actually closer. Sato Tetsutaro is also aware of this, and if the two of them were to have a conflict, he would inevitably be outnumbered by two, which is an outcome he doesn't want to face.

Of course, when the three of them were alone, Sato Tetsutaro was still able to talk to Hayashi Shin-yi about his true thoughts. For example, he had frankly questioned Hayashi about his opposition to Japanese nationalism when they were alone.

Lin Xinyi's answer was quite interesting. He asked Sato in return, "Does Senior Sato know why there were five hegemons in the Spring and Autumn Period, but seven powerful states in the Warring States Period?"

Sato Tetsutaro came from a samurai family and received his early education in Chinese classics, so he was naturally familiar with ancient Chinese history. However, he still asked Hayashi Shin-yi with great curiosity, "What is the connection between ancient Chinese history and our current problems?"

Lin Xinyi replied: "The Chinese say: 'By taking history as a mirror, one can understand the rise and fall of dynasties;' Europeans also say: 'All history is contemporary history.' In fact, philosophers from both the East and the West are saying the same thing: the essence of history is politics. Although historical records may differ, the principles of politics will not change significantly."

The reason why there were only five hegemons in the Spring and Autumn Period, but seven powerful states emerged in the Warring States Period, is that the social order was still maintained during the Spring and Autumn Period. Although the Zhou emperor had lost his authority, the people still recognized him as the Zhou royal family, and the other feudal lords were merely feudal lords. By the Warring States Period, no state recognized the Zhou emperor and instead recognized its own ruler as the emperor. Therefore, the wars during the Warring States Period were aimed at the annihilation of states.

In my view, today's world is like the Spring and Autumn Period. Although British authority is declining, the world order still exists, and nations still believe that the British Empire is the master of the world. Any power that challenges this order will be attacked by all sides. Therefore, what we should strive for is a regional hegemony within the existing international order, rather than attempting to directly overthrow the British Empire's throne.

Abandoning Japanese centrism essentially means respecting the territorial legality and self-governance rights of all countries, thereby enabling them to join forces with Japan to rebuild a new regional order. This new order is not for the expansion of Japanese territory, but to replace the bad order established by European colonizers that harmed the interests of Asian nations, thus forcing the British Empire to revise its diplomatic policy toward Asia.

Therefore, establishing an Asian alliance based on Japanese nationalism is essentially a direct challenge by Japan to the British Empire's dominance in Asia, a challenge that is destined to fail. That's my view…”

Lin Xinyi's explanation, though simple, was quite convincing. Sato Tetsutaro also understood that the biggest weakness of Japanese nationalists was that Japan's national strength did not match their ambitions. No matter how much these Japanese nationalists fantasized about conquering the mainland, conquering Southeast Asia, or conquering Asia, they could not escape the reality that Japan did not have the strength to support their ambitions.

If the Sino-Japanese War fueled the ambitions of Japanese soldiers, then the Russo-Japanese War shattered the illusions of many Japanese soldiers. The idea that defeating the enemy would guarantee compensation was unrealistic. In fact, it is the normal practice of a country to have its enemy continue fighting rather than pay reparations. The Qing Dynasty was indeed an anomaly among great powers.

This is also why Hayashi Shin-yi was able to gain considerable support within reform groups when criticizing Japan-centricism. These people were clearly aware that Japan's national strength was insufficient to support a Japan-centric Asian alliance. Therefore, the only way to establish an Asian alliance, as Hayashi Shin-yi suggested, was to abandon Japan-centricism and replace it with Asianism.

So why can't Japan abandon the idea of ​​an Asian alliance? Because this is the only route Japan can take to lead Asia without relying on the army's continental policy. As long as it stands from the navy's perspective, choosing an Asian alliance is inevitable. Otherwise, it will have to become a supporter of the continental policy, because the army's continental policy is obviously much easier to achieve than the navy's southward expansion policy. After all, the continental policy faces a weak China, while the southward expansion policy puts Japan in the face of European powers.

Therefore, those who advocate Japanese nationalism, no matter how they outwardly prove that they love the navy more, will ultimately have to choose the continental policy of the army, because the only way to strengthen Japan is to annex the weak, and this weak refers to its Asian neighbors, not the European powers.

Lin Xinyi dared to make this point clear at this time because he was fully aware of it. This is also why Arima, Yamaji and others had no choice but to support Lin Xinyi. Their political sensitivity was much better than that of Yamaya and the officers below him. They knew that this was actually about choosing sides between the mainland policy and the southward expansion policy, so they could not oppose Lin Xinyi.

Hayashi Shin-yi's dormitory in Shinagawa has now practically become a club at the heart of the reformist group, with people gathering there almost every day. Akiyama Saneyuki, in particular, comes almost daily, because talking with Hayashi Shin-yi allows him to relax, which is far better than studying religious classics.

Akiyama Saneyuki demonstrated exceptional staff skills during the Russo-Japanese War, drafting almost all naval battle plans single-handedly. His ability to coordinate and manage complex situations earned him the admiration of everyone else. However, Akiyama remained essentially a literary youth, finding the brutality of war and the strict hierarchical structure of the military difficult to accept.

In fact, if he had the choice, he would have preferred to stay at the school and study war history. So after experiencing such a brutal naval battle, Akiyama had completely lost interest in war and even considered retiring. However, the naval high command did not agree to let this genius staff officer go and become a monk.

Lin Xinyi's views on war convinced Akiyama that the navy wasn't entirely composed of war fanatics. Lin viewed war as the ultimate means of politics, therefore war must be subordinate to politics. This aligned with the military thought Akiyama had learned in the United States. Therefore, Lin believed the military should be reformed to ensure that genuine patriots, rather than those obsessed with personal gain, were in control, which would earn Akiyama's approval.

When exchanging ideas with Lin Xinyi about the transformation of the navy and the country, Akiyama felt more at ease than studying religious classics. Religious classics could not change the environment; they only allowed him to forget reality and find temporary peace of mind. However, the things he did with Lin Xinyi allowed him to see real changes in the environment, which gradually relaxed his mind and made him forget about religion.

From a certain perspective, Lin Xinyi became Akiyama Saneyuki's spiritual idol. Akiyama believed that Lin Xinyi could change the world he felt was full of contradictions, something Akiyama himself felt he couldn't do. Because of this, Akiyama Saneyuki devoted most of his energy to naval reform, thus distancing himself from religious faith—a small turning point in his life.

However, Akiyama Saneyuki was still worried about Hayashi Nobuyoshi's radical reform ideas. During their private lunch, Akiyama couldn't help but ask Hayashi Nobuyoshi, "I think it's right to oppose Japanese nationalism, but can such a proposition really gain the approval of others? There are already many doubts within the Navy, and it's probably even harder for people outside the Navy to agree with such ideas. After all, it seems a bit unreasonable for Japan to consider the interests of Asia instead of its own interests."

Faced with Akiyama Saneyuki's anxiety, Hayashi Shin-yi remained calm. After thinking for a moment, he replied, "Yes, it is difficult for Japanese people today to understand this point because they are educated from childhood to be Emperor-centric and Japan-centric, and they have never considered the interests of themselves or others."

If we want the Japanese to abandon their Japan-centric mentality, we must first help them understand their own interests and the interests of others. Therefore, ultimately, this is an educational issue, not a policy one. My opposition to Japan-centricism is not an attempt to persuade the Japanese, but rather a prelude to reforming their education system.

If we cannot cultivate a group of Japanese and other intellectuals with an Asian consciousness, then an Asian alliance will ultimately remain an empty promise. The Japanese have their own sense of nationalism; don't the Chinese and Koreans also have their own sense of national supremacy? Therefore, if everyone prioritizes their own country, then Asian peace and unity will remain nothing more than a pipe dream.

Only Asians can build an Asian alliance; it's impossible for the Japanese, Koreans, or Chinese to do so. To be precise, Asian interests must supersede national interests for an Asian alliance to truly establish peace within Asia and thus become a powerful pillar of world peace. An Asian alliance without a foundation of Asian consciousness is nothing more than a disorganized mess.

Akiyama Saneyuki asked, somewhat puzzled, "You say you want to reform education and oppose Japanese nationalism, but how do you plan to reform Japanese education?"

Lin Xinyi looked at him and said, "Have you forgotten? We have already asked Minister Kawahara to establish a new university in Chiba in the name of the Navy to train the necessary personnel for Chiba's heavy industry center and the Navy."

As Chiba Prefecture is a pilot area for land reform, I intend to take this opportunity to carry out certain reforms in the primary and secondary education system in Chiba Prefecture. Under the pretext of educating the public about the necessity of land reform, I will expand the content of criticism of feudal ideology in primary and secondary education, thereby turning Chiba Prefecture into a region under the control of the Navy that can accept modern ideas.

If we modernize Chiba Prefecture economically and educationally, it will eventually become a base of freedom and democracy, allowing us to use it as a foundation to initiate the transformation of the rest of Japan. Only after the feudal ideas preserved by the clan clique have been overthrown can the Meiji Restoration proceed further.

Only then can the current urban-rural conflicts, the conflicts between property owners and workers, and the conflicts between officials and ordinary citizens that Japan faces be resolved one by one. If we don't do this, Japan will either face another Boshin War or experience a peasant revolution like our neighbor. I believe that proactive change is better for Japan than passive revolution.

Akiyama Saneyuki knew that Hayashi Nobuyoshi was right. Although Japan had won the war, social contradictions had not been alleviated, as evidenced by the Hibiya Incident. This was why the Katsura Taro and Saionji cabinets had collapsed one after another—not because they lacked prestige, but because they couldn't appease public discontent. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's insistence on the military reduction plan was essentially an attempt to appease the public and ease sharp social tensions. Therefore, he ultimately chose to believe that Hayashi Nobuyoshi's choice was correct.

709 chapter

Author: Fuchun Mountain Residence Number: 5001 Comments: 0 Update Date: 2023-08-18 14:32:31

When Ministers Tamura and Kawahara, on behalf of the military, requested the cabinet to establish a Veterans Affairs Bureau to arrange for troop reductions and the resettlement of retired officers and soldiers, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe and his confidants were relieved, because this actually meant that the military downsizing plan had finally been finalized with the cabinet's proposal, and the army had chosen to compromise.

This was roughly the second major compromise made by the military after the Satsuma Rebellion. The first was the separation of the army and navy. Strictly speaking, the separation of the army and navy could not be considered a compromise by the military to the government, but rather a compromise between the Choshu faction and the Satsuma faction. In fact, after the Satsuma Rebellion, although the military relinquished its power to interfere in politics, it effectively cut off the government's channels for interfering in military affairs. Strictly speaking, the military could not be considered to have suffered a loss.

However, this compromise was indeed a unilateral concession by the military. The government not only set a precedent by cutting military spending, but also gained some power over the management of veterans. Before this, the military refused to allow the government to manage any military affairs. Although the military was powerless to handle the resettlement of veterans, it absolutely did not approve of the government interfering in the matter.

It's quite interesting, actually. When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe was the Minister of the Navy, he was a supporter against government interference in military affairs. However, after he became prime minister, he expressed dissatisfaction with not being able to intervene in military affairs. He believed that the government was responsible for military expenditures but could not supervise the use of military funds. Wouldn't this make the military a state within a state? In that case, he, as prime minister, would be led by the nose by the military.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's indignation is understandable. Nearly one-third of the government's expenditures flowed into a black hole called the military. The government had to allocate money on time, but had no way of knowing how the money should be used. Moreover, if a war broke out, additional temporary expenditures had to be allocated. It can be said that the government's fiscal expenditure plan was entirely centered around the military. If the military's expenditures could not be constrained, then the government's fiscal plan would be uncertain.

Although Prime Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe retained his military rank as a naval admiral, he was not a puppet who would be led by the nose. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe felt that as a naval admiral fulfilling his duties as prime minister, he naturally had the right to know about military affairs and the whereabouts of military funds; otherwise, how could he lead the government?

As a result, Yamamoto Gonnohyōe, who became prime minister, almost immediately felt the significant hidden dangers that the uncontrolled military posed to the government's work, which led him to quickly shift from the position of Minister of the Navy to that of Prime Minister.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's questioning of the military's independence from the government was not an isolated sentiment; it was a common problem felt by government officials since the establishment of the Meiji system in 1880. However, prior to the Sino-Japanese War, intense domestic social conflicts necessitated military suppression, while a war was needed abroad to expand Japan's living space. Therefore, the government prioritized the military as the nation's survival, thus tolerating the military's independent status.

However, after the Sino-Japanese War, the large indemnity obtained by Japan under the Treaty of Shimonoseki provided Japan with sufficient capital to develop its industry, thereby reducing the degree of exploitation of the people. Domestic social contradictions began to ease, and domestic economic construction began to be given equal importance to military construction. At this time, government officials believed that the military should exercise some restraint and let the people of the country catch their breath and live a normal life for a couple of days.

These government officials who believed the military should exercise some restraint were essentially industrial development advocates led by Itō. They believed the purpose of the war was to guide Japan toward the development path of Western countries, not to wage war for the sake of war. Since the Sino-Japanese War had already thwarted Japan's path to capitalist development, the focus should naturally be on development rather than national defense.

However, the military's prestige soared after the Sino-Japanese War, and there were also many political forces advocating for the protection of agriculture first. Therefore, Japan ultimately embarked on its next war, the Russo-Japanese War. While the Russo-Japanese War was largely caused by Russia's unbridled expansion in the Far East, which instilled fear in the Japanese, the insistence of Japanese military and political figures on using war as a solution to domestic conflicts also contributed to its inevitability.

Unlike the unified state of Japan before the Sino-Japanese War, a unified consciousness was only achieved domestically after the war against Russia began. Before the war, there were many voices opposing the war out of fear of defeat, which is why Tokyo real estate prices plummeted due to war rumors before the war. Some Japanese property owners simply did not want to go to war with the seemingly invincible Russians.

With the Russians refusing to acknowledge defeat and pay any reparations, government officials who were already dissatisfied with the war finally made their opposition to prioritizing national defense semi-publicly clear. One major reason why the Yamamoto Gonnohyōe cabinet was able to confront the military was the support of these officials who opposed prioritizing national defense.

The fact that the military actually made concessions was an unexpected bonus for the Yamamoto cabinet. Before the military accepted the downsizing plan, no one was really sure whether the military would compromise. After all, the military's prestige among the people was at its peak due to its victories in two foreign wars. Although the war against Russia did not achieve the pre-war reparations, the people's anger was directed at the military officers and government officials who advocated the war, and not so much at the soldiers who had made huge sacrifices.

Therefore, the military downsizing plan, while seemingly a concession by the military to avoid receiving the anticipated war reparations, actually shifted the responsibility of officers and politicians who had made boastful promises before the war onto soldiers who had done nothing wrong. Even those officials who opposed the military's influence dared not guarantee whether the military was willing to bear such humiliation.

The newly appointed Army Minister, Tamura, surprisingly took responsibility and accepted the government's proposed military downsizing plan, only making some demands regarding the resettlement of retired officers and soldiers. For government officials who advocated limiting armaments, this was indeed a jubilant victory. Once this precedent was set, there would be a precedent to follow when the government asked the military to exercise restraint in the future. This meant that a small crack had finally been opened in the government's intervention in military affairs.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe could certainly sense the government's excitement, but he was also well aware that the matter had not yet been truly implemented. As long as the army had not begun to downsize and demobilize, it could not be said that the military downsizing plan had been approved by the military, which meant that there were still variables.

However, looking around, Yamamoto realized that the only person he could discuss this matter with was Lin Xinyi. The others had no idea what the army was thinking. This time, the military downsizing case was able to force the army to back down, and this momentum was created by Lin Xinyi. The others were just playing along.

Therefore, he had no choice but to summon Hayashi Shin-yi to the Prime Minister's official residence to seek his advice on the establishment of the Veterans Affairs Bureau. Hayashi Shin-yi was indeed well-prepared. When Yamamoto Gonnohyōe asked him about this matter, he directly suggested: "The Veterans Affairs Bureau may seem like just a new government department for resettling veterans, but we cannot simply view it as a government department."

Why do I say this? Because the military and society operate under different rules. The rules you face in the military and in society are different. So, transitioning from civilian to military, or from soldier back to farmer, is akin to being reborn. All social relationships must be reset to zero, and you have to start all over again.

Transforming from civilian to soldier involves changing one's status from an individual to a member of a collective, as one has not previously been bound by military discipline. While this transition may be difficult for new recruits to accept, it is unlikely to lead to mass incidents. However, transforming a soldier into a civilian means turning a member of the collective back into an individual. If not handled properly, this can easily provoke widespread resentment within the military community, potentially leading to group confrontations.

For the public, soldiers are the protectors of their country, a concept firmly instilled through two wars of aggression. Therefore, in the event of a conflict between the military and the Veterans Affairs Bureau, the public naturally sided with the military rather than the government. After all, the current government is perceived as powerful and therefore resented; when soldiers who sacrificed their lives to defend the country clash with a powerful government, the public will naturally support the military.

Therefore, we must weaken the image of the Veterans Affairs Bureau in the public's mind, making them feel that the Bureau is not a government department, but an agency that serves veterans. In this way, if veterans are dissatisfied with their resettlement conditions and have conflicts with the Veterans Affairs Bureau, the public may not unanimously support the military, but will speak up for the weaker party.

The fact that the army currently has no objection to the troop reduction plan does not mean it won't stand up for veterans when they are dissatisfied with their resettlement conditions. In such a conflict, the military, having gained public support, would naturally hold the advantage in public opinion regarding the government. Therefore, the Cabinet should carefully consider the establishment of a Veterans Affairs Bureau.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe had to admit that Hayashi Shin'yō was indeed unusually cautious for a young man when it came to such details. But this precisely explained why they had no chance of turning the tide in the internal power struggle within the navy—because the other side had calculated every possible loophole. For example, those around him only saw the army's capitulation and preferred to hand over the establishment of the Veterans Affairs Bureau to the military. Compared to Hayashi Shin'yō's analysis, it was clear that these people were simply digging their own graves.

It is quite obvious that if the Veterans Affairs Administration is handed over to the military, then if veterans are dissatisfied with the resettlement conditions, the military will definitely shift the blame to the government instead of taking responsibility itself. After all, the military only sends people to manage it, and it is the government that provides the resettlement positions. It is obviously unrealistic to expect veterans to be completely satisfied with the government's resettlement conditions, since everyone's desires are different.

After pondering for a long time, Yamamoto Gonbei asked Lin Xinyi, "So how should we make the public feel that the Veterans Affairs Bureau is a weak service agency, rather than a government office?"

Lin Xinyi looked at Prime Minister Yamamoto and earnestly advised, "Recruit women to serve as clerks in the Administration Bureau and let them handle the resettlement of veterans. In our country, women's status is far inferior to that of men. Not only do they have no rights in politics, but they are also dominated by men in family life. Therefore, no citizen would think that a female clerk arguing with a veteran is because of her dominance."

Yamamoto Gonbei was shocked by Hayashi Nobuyoshi's audacity. Since the Meiji Restoration, women's social status was actually lower than in the Edo period. After all, in the Edo period, the shogunate would select beauties for the shogun, and there would be stories of entire families rising to prominence because they had a daughter favored by the shogun. Therefore, women in the Edo period had a relatively independent status.

However, by the Meiji Restoration era, women had lost the right to live independently. Even if a woman became the head of household according to the principles of inheritance, she could not speak on political affairs in that capacity. In some rural areas, the head of a landowner's household automatically assumed the responsibilities of the village head. As the basic administrative unit of Japanese society, the village head had the right to petition the government and influence the village's election results.

However, the Meiji Restoration government quickly abolished the rights of women as heads of households, thus making women completely dependent on men. For example, rural families sold their daughters to make up for shortfalls in land taxes, which had become a form of legal human trafficking. Furthermore, according to Japan's family registration law, women cannot be heads of households, meaning they can only live in households headed by men and cannot be independent.

This is why, after divorcing Viscount Kitakōji, Yanagihara Byakuren had no say in her own marriage. Under her brother's control, she was almost sold to a Kyushu coal tycoon. After the divorce, Byakuren could only return to the Yanagihara family and could not live independently. According to Japanese law, the brother has the right to decide his sister's marriage, as this is the power of the head of the household.